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Field Theory in Social Science: Selected Theoretical Papers
Kurt LewinThis posthumous collection, edited by Dorwin Cartwright, assembles Lewin's theoretical papers from 1939 to 1947 to present field theory as a systematic metatheory for social science. Its central claim is that behavior must be explained through the contemporaneous field of interdependent psychological facts—the life space—rather than through historical causation or classification by abstract traits. Lewin formalizes this through constructs like valence, force, tension, and topological representation, offering a rigorous language for social psychology. The volume established the framework that later grounded group dynamics, action research, and force-field analysis of change.
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What is the central claim of Field Theory in Social Science, and what does it reject?
Lewin argues that social science requires a metatheory capable of explaining behavior through the contemporaneous field of interdependent psychological facts—the life space—rather than through historical causation or classification by abstract traits . He explicitly rejects the Aristotelean habit of explaining events by their frequency or by the inherent properties of abstractly defined classes, advocating instead a Galilean mode that derives behavior from the concrete situation. The field is defined as 'the totality of coexisting facts which are conceived of as mutually interdependent,' and the life space includes everything that affects behavior at a given time . This framework demands rigorous formalization through constructs like valence, force, and tension, expressed in topological and vector terms.
What specific concepts does the volume formalize, and how are they used today?
The book formalizes the central vocabulary of field theory: the life space as the person and psychological environment as it exists for that person; valence as the property of a region attracting or repelling; force as the tendency to locomote toward or away from a region; and tension as the motivational system released when a need is satisfied . These concepts are operationalized through topological representation, which specifies relational rather than metric properties—equality, oppositeness, and degrees of connection among regions. Lewin's student Alex Bavelas applied hodological analysis to network properties, and Dorwin Cartwright later recast field theory in graph-theoretic terms, establishing one line of descent from the life space to modern social network analysis .
How does the book's field theory differ from behaviorist and trait-based approaches to social psychology?
Lewin positions field theory against the mechanistic stimulus-response model and against trait psychology. Where behaviorism treats behavior as a function of external stimuli and trait psychology locates causes in fixed dispositions, field theory insists that behavior is a function of the whole psychological field at a given moment—the person and environment conceived as one interdependent system . Lewin's Galilean methodology rejects the search for laws based on the frequency of events and instead seeks lawful relations that hold for the individual case. The life space is not a physical or geometric space but a psychological one, where objects have valence and regions have barriers rather than metric coordinates. This approach was designed to preserve the psychological character of the field without reducing it to physics or geometry.
What role did Dorwin Cartwright play in shaping this volume, and how does it relate to Lewin's other posthumous collections?
Dorwin Cartwright, Lewin's successor as director of the Research Center for Group Dynamics at the University of Michigan, edited the volume after Lewin's death in 1947, selecting fourteen theoretical papers from the period 1939–1947 and arranging them to present a coherent metatheory . A publication of the Research Center for Group Dynamics, the book was designed to make Lewin's theoretical system available in systematic form, in contrast to Resolving Social Conflicts (1948), which Gertrud Weiss Lewin edited to emphasize applied case studies and action research. Cartwright's editorial framing foregrounds the formal, abstract machinery of field theory—the topological and vector concepts—rather than the concrete social problems that animated Lewin's later work.
How has field theory been received and criticized in the decades since this volume appeared?
Reviews from the 1950s, such as Raymond Sletto's in Rural Sociology, acknowledged the book's importance as a systematic statement of Lewin's metatheory . Later critics have noted that the topological and vector apparatus proved difficult to operationalize, and that the formal language did not generate a cumulative experimental research program. Burnes and Cooke's 2012 re-evaluation argued that a return to Lewin's original conception of field theory, based on Gestalt psychology and conventional topology, can provide scholars and practitioners with a valuable approach to managing change . However, they also observe that Lewin's work was often reduced to simple formulas—'unfreezing, moving, refreezing'—that obscure the dynamic complexity of his original formulation. The life space concept itself has had lasting influence, particularly through its adaptation into network analysis.
What is the most common misreading of field theory as presented in this book?
The most persistent misreading treats field theory as a static, mechanical model or reduces it to a simple change-management formula. Lewin's field is dynamic: it consists of forces in tension, with locomotion arising from the resultant of driving and restraining forces, and equilibrium being only a temporary balance rather than a fixed state. The donkey-and-carrot example illustrates this: the animal's behavior is determined by the relative strength of the positive valence of the carrot and the negative valence of the stick, not by either element alone . Lewin's insistence on contemporaneity—that only facts existing in the psychological field at the present moment can determine behavior—is also frequently overlooked, leading to explanations that smuggle in historical causation under the guise of field analysis.
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