
Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View
Stanley MilgramMilgram's 1974 book presents the obedience experiments as empirical evidence that ordinary people will inflict serious harm on an innocent victim when instructed by a legitimate authority. The central mechanism is the 'agentic state': when individuals enter a hierarchical situation, they cease to see themselves as autonomous agents and instead become instruments executing another's wishes, thereby shedding personal responsibility. Milgram argues this transformation explains why a majority of subjects continued administering shocks to 450 volts despite the learner's protests, and he links the findings to Arendt's concept of the banality of evil.
Key Details
Key Insights — Read in 10 Minutes
What is the central claim of Obedience to Authority, and what explanation does Milgram offer for the results?
The book's central claim is that ordinary people, when placed in a legitimate authority structure, will obey commands to harm an innocent person to a degree that contradicts their own moral standards. Milgram's explanation is the 'agentic state': when individuals enter a hierarchical situation, they cease to see themselves as autonomous agents acting on their own conscience and instead become instruments executing another person's wishes. In this state, responsibility is transferred upward to the authority figure, freeing the individual from guilt. Milgram argues this transformation is not a defect of character but a universal feature of social organization, and he contends it explains why roughly two-thirds of subjects continued shocking the learner to the maximum 450 volts .
What were the baseline obedience rates in the experiments, and how did Milgram interpret them?
In the standard baseline condition, approximately 65 percent of subjects progressed to the maximum 450-volt shock despite the learner's increasingly desperate protests . Milgram interpreted this as evidence that situational pressures overwhelm individual moral resistance when a legitimate authority is present. He emphasized that subjects were not sadists; many showed visible distress, sweating, trembling, and nervous laughter, yet continued because the experimenter asserted responsibility. Milgram argued the experiments revealed a 'capacity for man to abandon his humanity' when merging into institutional structures . He also noted that the obedience rate varied dramatically across conditions—from near-total obedience when the learner was unseen to only 10 percent when peers rebelled—demonstrating the power of immediate situational variables.
How did Milgram connect his findings to Hannah Arendt's concept of the banality of evil?
Milgram explicitly framed his experiments as empirical support for Arendt's thesis in Eichmann in Jerusalem that ordinary people can commit atrocities not from sadism but from thoughtless compliance with authority . He cited Arendt's observation that Eichmann was not a monster but a bureaucrat doing his job, and argued his experiments demonstrated the same phenomenon in controlled conditions: average Americans could be brought to inflict serious harm simply by following instructions. This linkage gave the experiments enormous cultural resonance, fusing psychology and history into a single narrative about the roots of atrocity. However, Milgram later pulled back from the strongest version of this claim, conceding that his subjects lacked the goal of harming the victim, unlike the perpetrators of the Holocaust .
What specific methodological decisions did Milgram make to maximize obedience, as revealed by his Yale archive?
Nestar Russell's analysis of Milgram's personal archive at Yale revealed that Milgram engaged in extensive pilot testing to identify what he called 'the strongest obedience situation' . He discovered that removing all sight and sound of the learner produced virtually universal obedience, which he deemed counterproductive because it prevented his paradigm from 'scaling obedient tendencies.' He therefore settled on auditory feedback alone. Other deliberate design choices included replacing the final shock label 'LETHAL' with the ambiguous 'XXX,' removing a Nazi-sounding pledge to obey, increasing the number of shock levels to exploit foot-in-the-door compliance, and carefully selecting actors: a 'mild and submissive' man as the learner and a 'stern' and 'intellectual looking' man as the experimenter .
How has the 'agentic state' theory held up under subsequent scholarly scrutiny?
The agentic state theory has been widely questioned, even by scholars sympathetic to Milgram's empirical contributions. Stephen Gibson notes that many of Milgram's most enthusiastic supporters are not convinced by the theoretical explanation . S. Alexander Haslam and Stephen Reicher have developed an alternative 'engaged followership' account, arguing that participants in the experiments did not blindly follow orders but actively identified with the scientific mission and believed they were contributing to a worthy cause . On this view, people harm others not because they become passive instruments but because they come to believe what they are doing is right. This reassessment aligns with historians' revisions of the Nazi perpetrator literature, which emphasizes ideological commitment rather than mere bureaucratic compliance.
What was the critical reaction to Milgram's book at the time of its publication, and how did Milgram respond?
The New York Times review by Peter Singer was largely negative, describing the book as a 'woeful and lamentable performance' that reeks of moralizing despite Milgram's claim to study obedience 'with the aim of understanding rather than judging' . The reviewer criticized Milgram's characterizations of subjects as contemptuous and his theoretical language as empty reification. Milgram also faced sustained criticism from Dannie Abse, whose book The Dogs of Pavlov argued that the experiments were ethically indefensible and scientifically unnecessary . In his replies, Milgram defended the experiments by citing post-experimental questionnaires showing 84 percent of subjects were pleased to have participated, but critics noted he did not engage the fundamental ethical questions raised .
Show 2 more insights
How has the archival evidence changed scholarly understanding of what happened in the experiments?
Access to Milgram's archive at Yale, including audio recordings of the sessions, has produced a significant reassessment. Stephen Gibson's analysis of the recordings shows that participants did not simply follow orders; the experimenter engaged in extensive persuasion, justification, and negotiation when subjects hesitated . Gibson argues that 'people did not follow orders in Milgram's experiments'—the experimenter did much more than issue commands, and when he did issue them, participants found it relatively easy to defy . This has led to a shift from viewing the experiments as demonstrations of blind obedience to seeing them as complex social interactions in which participants actively negotiated the meaning of the situation.
What are the most persistent ethical criticisms of the experiments described in the book?
The ethical criticisms fall into several categories. Subjects were deceived about the purpose of the experiment and the identity of the learner. They were subjected to extreme stress, with documented cases of seizures, and Milgram continued the experiments despite the distress . Critics argue that subjects were denied informed consent and were not adequately protected from harm. The archival evidence has intensified these concerns by revealing that Milgram's own ethical behavior was questionable, including his failure to adequately debrief subjects and his pressure on hesitant participants . These findings have contributed to the experiments' status as a 'contentious classic,' taught in psychology courses as much for their ethical failures as for their findings .
Wealthy Psyche is an intellectual archive. We do not host, distribute, or sell book copies — physical or digital. We provide structured knowledge to help you think better, faster.





