
The Conceptual Self in Context: Culture, Experience, Self-Understanding
Ulric NeisserNeisser and Jopling's central claim is that the conceptual self—the self-concept—is not a fixed entity but a dynamic, theory-driven mental representation constructed through social interaction and cultural participation. The volume rejects the view of the self as a bounded, static, integrated entity, arguing instead that self-concepts are negotiable, context-responsive, and potentially flexible. It examines how cultural 'selfways' shape self-understanding, what can be known about self-concepts in depression and schizophrenia, and whether there is an inner 'self of selves.' This is the third and final Emory Symposium volume built around Neisser's cognitive theory of self-knowledge.
Key Details
Key Insights — Read in 10 Minutes
What is the central claim of The Conceptual Self in Context, and what does it reject?
The central claim is that the conceptual self—the self-concept—is not a static, bounded entity but a dynamic, theory-driven mental representation constructed through social interaction and cultural participation [citation:1][citation:7]. The volume rejects the assumption that the self is a unique, integrated universe of reliably sourced experiences and potentials, an entity that precedes its social relations [citation:13]. Neisser defines the conceptual self as what comes to mind when we think about ourselves, drawing its meaning from a network of socially-based assumptions and theories about human nature and ourselves in particular [citation:5]. The book argues that self-concepts are negotiable, necessarily responsive to context and circumstance, and thus potentially flexible [citation:13].
How does the book define 'selfways' and their role in shaping self-understanding?
The concept of 'selfways' is developed by Hazel Rose Markus, Patricia Mullally, and Shinobu Kitayama in their contribution, referring to the diversity in modes of cultural participation that shape how people experience and understand themselves [citation:7]. The volume documents stark contrasts: Euro-American individuals tend toward individualism and self-esteem inflation, while Japanese individuals orient toward group consensus rather than personal excellence [citation:13]. In some cultures, such as the Papuan Baktaman, there is markedly little reference to self in discourse, and self-concepts are almost absent; by contrast, among the Bhutanese of Tibetan culture, elaborate multilayered means of discoursing on the self exist, influenced by Buddhist psychological philosophy [citation:13]. These variations demonstrate that self-understanding is not universal but culturally patterned.
How was the book received by reviewers and scholars?
The book received positive scholarly attention. Viktor Gecas, writing in Contemporary Sociology, called it 'an intelligent, sophisticated, and interdisciplinary set of essays on the self written by a distinguished group of psychologists, anthropologists, linguists, and philosophers,' noting that 'there is much here of interest to sociologists of the self' [citation:4][citation:7]. John Crook, reviewing in Perception, wrote that 'after reading this thoughtful and detailed set of studies it will not be easy for anyone to think of the self in the old way as some bounded entity' [citation:13]. The review praised the volume's demonstration that 'the self, as a term in contemporary research, turns out to refer to a whole multiplicity of meanings and processes resembling a landscape which may be traversed in numerous ways' [citation:13].
How does this volume relate to Neisser's earlier work on self-knowledge?
The Conceptual Self in Context is the third and final Emory Symposia volume organized around Neisser's cognitive theory of self-knowledge, following The Perceived Self (1993) and The Remembering Self (1994) [citation:1][citation:7]. Where the earlier volumes focused on the ecological and interpersonal selves (directly perceived) and the extended self (based on memory), this volume addresses the conceptual self, which Neisser's 1988 article 'Five Kinds of Self-Knowledge' defined as drawing meaning from a network of socially-based assumptions and theories [citation:3][citation:5]. The volume thus completes the trilogy by examining the most culturally embedded and conceptually mediated form of self-knowledge.
What does the book say about self-concepts in schizophrenia and depression?
Louis Sass's chapter, 'The Consciousness Machine: Self and Subjectivity in Schizophrenia and Modern Culture,' examines how schizophrenic delusion involves concepts about self that become unrelated to both personal life and the actualities of a situation [citation:13]. Two main trends are apparent: 'subjectivisation' of the world (perceiving oneself as pivotal to the universe) and 'objectivisation' of experience (giving one's own thoughts a thing-like quality outside oneself) [citation:13]. Sass observes that modern Western philosophy reveals similar tendencies in discussions of self, pondering whether there might be a common origin in the cultural history of the West [citation:13]. Linda Koenig's chapter addresses depression and the cultural context of the self-serving bias [citation:7].
What philosophical positions are represented in the volume's closing chapter?
David Jopling's concluding essay tends toward a realist model of the self rather than the influential postmodern tendency to see the self as an arbitrary construct built from 'fragmentary, ambiguous and impoverished evidence that is multiply interpretable' [citation:13]. In Jopling's view, selves are not mere constructions but 'complex multilayered and more or less integrated configurations organised by certain dynamic patterns of salience and dominance that shift across time' [citation:13]. Such systems are relatively discrete, with some aspects more central and less flexible than others. The review notes that two prime opponents in contemporary thought are both represented: realism tends toward imputing 'agency' to individuals, whereas the postmodern tendency focuses on 'process,' diminishing the apparent responsibility of a 'person' [citation:13].
Show 2 more insights
What common misconception about the book's approach exists?
A frequent misconception is that treating the self as a 'concept' or 'construction' implies that self-concepts have no relation to anything real or that the self is merely fictional. The volume resists this reading. Jopling's closing essay explicitly defends a realist model in which selves are 'complex multilayered and more or less integrated configurations,' not arbitrary texts [citation:13]. Neisser's opening chapter defines the conceptual self as a mental representation, implying that it represents something with ecological, historical, interpersonal, and phenomenological aspects [citation:10]. The book's position is that self-concepts are constructed and culturally variable, and that this constructedness is precisely why their relationship to accuracy, reality, and well-being must be investigated rather than assumed.
What role does the 'self of selves' question play in the volume?
The question of whether there is an inner 'self of selves,' as William James once suggested, frames the volume's philosophical inquiry [citation:1][citation:7]. It addresses whether the various selves identified in Neisser's cognitive theory—ecological, interpersonal, extended, private, and conceptual—are unified by some deeper self or are simply a collection of distinct forms of self-knowledge held together by stimulus information [citation:3]. The volume's title signals that the conceptual self is the focus, but the closing chapters return to the question of unity and integration. The book does not resolve the question definitively but presents it as one of the oldest and newest psychological and philosophical questions surrounding the concept of self [citation:1].
Wealthy Psyche is an intellectual archive. We do not host, distribute, or sell book copies — physical or digital. We provide structured knowledge to help you think better, faster.





