
Redefining Social Problems
Julian RappaportSeidman and Rappaport's 1986 edited volume argues that how a social problem is defined determines whether and how it is addressed. The book's distinctive contribution is not a new theory of social problems but a demonstration across crime, burnout, desegregation, and custody disputes that dominant framings systematically obscure structural causes and alternative solutions. Frameworks like Karl Weick's 'small wins' and Rappaport's own empowerment-over-prevention argument show that redefining a problem—changing the scale, the causal story, or the locus of responsibility—is itself a political and conceptual accomplishment.
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What is the organizing thesis of Redefining Social Problems, and why does problem definition matter?
The editors argue that social problems are not objective facts waiting to be solved but constructions whose framing determines what solutions appear possible. Seidman and Rappaport write in their introductory chapter that how a problem is formulated has a powerful impact on how it is addressed—indeed whether it is addressed at all . Redefining a problem can engage new stakeholders, suggest interventions that were previously invisible, and shift responsibility from individuals to structures. The volume demonstrates this thesis across domains: crime is reframed as stress rather than deviance, burnout as a rational response to institutional contradictions rather than individual maladaptation, and loneliness in late life as a myth rather than a demographic reality. The book's distinctive contribution is treating redefinition not as rhetorical flourish but as a substantive intervention in itself.
What is Karl Weick's 'small wins' framework, and how does it fit the volume's argument?
Weick's chapter, 'Small Wins: Redefining the Scale of Social Issues,' argues that large social problems become tractable when broken into smaller, concrete, winnable steps. The mechanism is psychological and strategic: small wins attract allies, reduce resistance, and generate momentum that large-scale reform proposals cannot. This fits the volume's central thesis because it is fundamentally an argument about framing: the scale at which a problem is defined determines whether people believe they can act on it. Weick's framework has since become widely cited in organizational theory and social innovation literature. In the context of this volume, it exemplifies the editors' claim that redefinition is not evasion but a necessary condition for effective action.
How does Rappaport's 'In Praise of Paradox' function within this volume?
Rappaport's chapter is a reprint of his influential 1981 article arguing for empowerment as a social policy alternative to prevention. Its inclusion in this volume is deliberate: the article is itself an act of redefinition. It reframes the goal of community psychology from preventing pathology to empowering people to gain control over their lives. The paradox in the title refers to the tension between professional expertise and community self-determination—a tension that cannot be resolved but must be lived with. Placing this argument alongside chapters on crime, burnout, and desegregation demonstrates that the empowerment framework is not abstract theory but a lens applicable across substantive domains. The volume thus positions Rappaport's article as both a contribution to and an exemplar of the book's redefinition thesis.
What specific domains and problems does the volume address?
The volume covers an unusually wide range of substantive areas, reflecting the editors' ambition to demonstrate the redefinition thesis across domains. Chapters address: social problem solving in social action (Sarason), small wins (Weick), injustice (Kidder and Fine), women as a social problem (Henley), Black families (Scott-Jones and Nelson-Le Gall), Black women leaders (Smith), loneliness in late life (Revenson), empowerment over prevention (Rappaport), child custody determination (Girdner), crime as stress (Lewis and Riger), criminal justice interventions (Roesch and Foisy), burnout (Cherniss), justice and values in social science (Seidman), court-ordered school desegregation (Linney), indirect effects of desegregation (Scott), and ethnic minority research (Zane and Sue) . This range demonstrates that problem framing operates across policy arenas and populations.
How did contemporary reviewers assess the volume's contribution?
Norman Miller's review in Contemporary Psychology (1988) noted that readers would not find a simple overarching solution to social problems; instead, their perception would become broader and more complex rather than simplified . He praised the book's sponsorship by the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, observing that it meshes with the society's aim of bringing intellectual analysis—not ideology per se—to social issues. Miller highlighted that the volume contains chapters questioning not only whether social science should concern itself with social problems but also the relevance of that question itself . The review suggests the volume succeeds as a provocation to think more carefully about problem construction, rather than as a source of definitive answers.
How does this volume relate to Rappaport's broader intellectual project on empowerment and narrative?
Redefining Social Problems sits at the midpoint of Rappaport's career, connecting his early applied work on chronic patients and college volunteers to his later theoretical elaboration of empowerment and narrative. The volume's thesis—that problem definitions are consequential and can be changed—anticipates his narrative framework, where stories are the medium through which problems are constructed and contested. The inclusion of 'In Praise of Paradox' makes the connection explicit: empowerment is a redefinition of community psychology's mission, from preventing pathology to promoting self-determination. Later work on community narratives extends this logic by examining how stories shape what problems are visible and what solutions are imaginable. The volume is thus a key transitional text in Rappaport's development.
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What should readers understand about the volume's origins and limitations?
The volume grew out of a symposium at the 1982 annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, sponsored by the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues . This origin explains both its coherence and its limits: the chapters address a wide range of topics but are not systematically integrated into a single argument beyond the editors' framing chapter. The volume is also dated in its specific policy contexts—welfare reform, desegregation litigation, and burnout research have evolved considerably since 1986. Readers should approach it as a demonstration of a method of analysis (redefinition) rather than as a current policy guide. Its enduring value lies in the framework it offers for interrogating how problems are constructed.
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